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The
Illusion of International Law
by Mumia Abu-Jamal
May 11, 1998
In sum, stare decisis,
[or the doctrine of letting the prior decision of law stand] while integral
to the language of legal discourse and the mystique of legal reasoning,
serves a primarily ideological rather than functional role. Nor is there
any more validity to the notion of legal reasoning when the source of law
is constitutional or statutory provision or the language of an agreement.
Courts determine the meaning and applicability of the pertinent language;
similar arguments and distinctions are available; and the ultimate basis
is a social and political judgment. -- Law is simply politics by other
means.
-- David Kairys,
Esq., The Politics of Law (1982)
* * *
The very term, 'International Law', evokes in us a sense of calm, arising
from the near certainty that an umbrella of law shields and protects us
from the raging downpour of chaos. So often have we heard the words, that
it now echoes in consciousness, as a thing unquestioned. Indeed, it is
a 'thing' to us, a living reality that, like pornography, may be difficult
to describe, but you know it when you see it. Or do you?
The late, revered Malcolm X taught that history is best equipped to reward
our research, so let us look to history.
Over a million ethnic Armenians were annihilated under Turkey's Ittihad
Party, and millions of Jews were massacred under Germany's Nazi party.
These historic horrors arose in a world where the Geneva Conventions (of
1864 and 1906) and the Hague Conventions (of 1899 and 1907) forbade war
crimes, protected the prisoners of war, and ordered protection and respect
for civilians and private property.
In World War I, the Ittihad-sparked genocide against Armenians was so widespread
that years later, none other than Adolph Hitler would tell his generals,
"our strength is in our quickness and our brutality." He asked, tellingly,
"Who still talks nowadays of the extermination of the Armenians?" (Fr.
Simpson, C. The Splendid Blond Beast, Common Courage Pr., 1995).
International law, it turns out, is the creation of the ruling class elites,
on behalf of elites. Millions of so-called "stateless peoples" (like Jews
of WWII or Armenians of WWI) were sacrificed to the national interests
of the 'International Community', who saw them as expendable. Author Christopher
Simpson quotes a bigoted US diplomat for his feelings on the two peoples:
The US High Commissioner to Turkey was Admiral Mark L. Bristol, a man with
a reputation as a bigot and determined advocate of US alliance with Mustafa
Kemal [Attaturk]. "The Armenians," Bristol wrote, "are a race like the
Jews - they have little or no national spirit and poor moral character"
(33).
Years later, US Secretary of State, Robert Lansing, when faced with a growing
movement in the state department to press German elites for complicity
in the crimes against humanity, would protect the elites. Simpson writes:
Lansing strongly objected to any introduction of the concept of "laws of
humanity" and to trials of foreign leaders before any foreign or international
court. International law, he contended, regulated relations among nations;
it had no jurisdiction over what a state chooses to do to its own people
(25).
In the end, it didn't matter what was written on paper, in the glazed texts
of lawbooks, nor in scripted treaties. International law bowed to national
(economic) interests, and the weak fell before the strong. Here was the
grim historical blueprint for Bosnia, for Rwanda, and for genocides to
come.
Copyright 1998 Mumia Abu-Jamal. All Rights Reserved
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